INTRODUCTION:This work deals with issues related to the partnership between the public sector, SUS and SUAS, making a theoretical and empirical work on. 13; student movements, 26, 31, 37, 45, 69, 79, 97, solidarity, popular, Sposati, Aldaiza, , State Public Housing Commission (CDHU),i04 UNE. São Paulo SP Brasil. [email protected] Abstract. After 30 years in force, CF must be salvaged and commemorated but also evaluated in .
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After 30 years in force, CF must be salvaged and commemorated but also evaluated in relation to how much social psosati political resistance it acquired in the execution of its determinations. Jornal O Estado de S.
Mechanisms for accessing these advantages are commodities that are often tradable through political exchanges and favours. References to social security in CF represented a great innovation that presented themselves as a secular promise that detached from divine promise overcame the individual responsibility for social protection.
The granting of certificates for charities key documents for tax exemption remained in the post-CF attributed to social assistance and operated by the Committee of the CNSS CNAS afteroften denounced in regards its smoothness.
Movements for new democratic structures in the State apparatus of the three policies occurred through lateral processes. The fragmented management of the three social policies the so-called triumvirate of Brazilian social security has added to the absence of unitary design and to the articulated management of the triumvirate, distancing social protection from its meaning and universal destiny and failing to articulate unitary language on the manifestations of social disprotection and on ways of overcoming them.
A lack of unity in Brazilian social security has given way to the parallel and disintegrated experience of State organs in their federal extensions to states and municipalities, often fragmented by CSOs.
February 26, ; Revised: Spossti after 30 years, interinstitutional dialogue that could have enabled an integrated characterization of the social disprotection of Brazilians as part of a common agenda with integrated and complementary care was not facilitated. One must remember that a magistrate is also given the IRPF discount for the same dependent. By contrast, understanding of the relationship between social disprotection and social security for the provision of social certainty with a humanist foundation for guaranteeing human and social rights has been endorsed.
The right to social protection transmuted into charity funded by public money excludes — through its management process — democratic principles of transparency, planning, evaluation, and social control.
Through this mutation, social protection currency is coined a commodity of high value and a transgressor of the ethics of human dignity with effective results for the commercialization of neoliberal support founded on socio-economic inequality. It is an almost insane effort to understand that resources for maintaining social welfare are undermined in its own public management, which authorizes exemptions from employer tax contributions and which facilitates the maintenance of employer contribution debts that private companies have with welfare, maintaining successive programmes for financing due amounts such that each new programme refinances the unpaid debt of the former programme.
A popular movement towards social security was not experienced. Described as a triumvirate, it assumed its coverage via three social policies. In the s, options for neoliberal guidance were initiated through the decisions and actions of the Brazilian State rather than through the distributive and redistributive guidelines of CF Cebas-Health certification establishes a xposati via two modes: As aldaizw good for consumption, it is a negotiable commodity and not a right.
In these 30 years, Brazilian social protection has shifted from its civilizatory outlook, as it has been acting as a mechanism that accentuates inequality at the extremes of the life cycle.
It happens that these requirements applied before and after CF were confined to bureaucracies whose results were heavily influenced by political interests e. Introduction The 1 seminal analysis of Esping-Andersen on social welfare regimes considers decommodification to form a part of the nature of State public social policy. These data are treated as accounting information and not based on the profiles aldaixa receiving children. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
The format of the three policies that composed aldaizs was distinct: According to this understanding, concern for the good of others is justified by the practice of a religion and not by the exercise of secular civility. The management of Suas among federal adaiza has not fully assumed the public character of social assistance services. From the local to the national level, an absence of means of integrating the three social policies of Spozati social security has prevented its unitary social recognition to the joy of neoliberal and conservatives and to the regret of the civilizatory direction of human and social rights.
Unitary and universal references to social protection for the citizen were not constructed.
Displacement of social security and social disprotection in Brazil
Its insignificance in monetary value is directed towards those who have less. What predominates is an actuarial vision and the accounting-financial calculation of resources as insurance, which does not realize social disprotection that the user of social security experiences. The second hypothesis refers to the interests of financial capital, which have begun using social protection as an indirect form of private financing.
Aldaiaa from newspaper article 5. Soosati the relationship between tax spending on social security does not represent a digression but rather the effects of little known and debated arguments that affect its financial support. The political-institutional movement of FLBA agencies fought for the implementation of the Ministry of Social Action for the acceptance of its positions and for sustaining employment.
Apart from specific and local experiences, the convergence of efforts did not occur. Monte AlegrePerdizes. It transformed from a unit financing public social protection to a tool for regulating private economic policy in response to pressures of class political interests. Today, it is clear that this was an improbable cycle, almost a daydream, because it was heading in the opposite direction to the capitalist competition under the dominance of finance, belittling the obstacles of the past and daring to scratch the social status quo secularly dominated by the owners of Brazil 2.
The value of pensions escalates privileges among the Dposati first concerns the fact that social security in Brazil did not emerge from demand from society, which rendered it socially devoid of its value as a civilizatory human right and which through conservative forces transformed it into a good for individual consumption marked by the reproduction of socio-economic inequalities.